Chapters 23

While focusing on Part IV â€Å"The Doctrine of the Word of God† and Part V â€Å"The Doctrine of the Knowledge of God† from John Frame’s Systematic Theology, it is possible to note that these parts are helpful to understand how people perceive God’s Word and how they form their knowledge of God. This reflection paper provides the proper discussion of key points learnt from Chapters 23-32 of Frame’s book.Advertising We will write a custom critical writing sample on Chapters 23-32 in John Frame’s â€Å"Systematic Theology† specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Part IV of the book is titled as â€Å"The Doctrine of the Word of God†, and the ways to receive, perceive, and understand God’s words are discussed in Chapters 23-28. I have learnt from Chapter 23 â€Å"God and His Word† that the divine word is not only in the written or verbal form, but it is in the acts. Thus , the Word is the attribute of God, and this idea is closely associated with such important phenomena as creation and providence1. Those people who have learnt the Word of God are not the same anymore. Chapter 24 â€Å"God Speaks to Us in Events and Words† provides more details to understand the fact. Thus, I have learnt that there are many ways in which the Word comes to people, and they are human words or historic events, and natural events. These ways are the media for revelation2. It is stated in Chapter 25 â€Å"God’s Written Words† that the prophets who heard the divine voice represented their knowledge in the written word. From this point, it is also the direct Word from God. Referring to Chapter 26 â€Å"The Nature of Scripture†, I can state that God’s Word is truth in its nature because the principles of infallibility and inerrancy are followed in Scripture3. Now, I understand that I can discuss Scripture as the reflection of God’s direct words. Chapter 27 â€Å"From God’s Lips to Our Ears† and Chapter 28 â€Å"From the Text to Our Hearts† are very interesting and important for me because they present the information on the ways of receiving and understanding God’s Word. I received the opportunity to understand that God’s Word comes directly to prophets who write it, and these copies are extremely important for believers. Although many autographs are lost, God uses many media to come to the person’s heart4. I can guess that the reason is in the fact that Scripture includes the message that comes directly to the believer’s heart and mind. I have learnt from Part V â€Å"The Doctrine of the Knowledge of God† how God and person can know each other. In Chapter 29 â€Å"God and Our Knowledge†, it is stated that God knows everyone in spite of the personality’s aspects. Thus, there are many perspectives from which God can see the person.Advertising Looking for critical writing on religion theology? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More That is why, there are no ideas or acts which can be unnoticed. Our knowledge of God is more limited, but we need to know more about God in order to learn more about us. In Chapters 30-32, there are ideas on how people can learn more about God5. I have learnt that the human heart, mind, intuition, and imagination are the strong sources to learn more about God and to understand the revelation principle. There are many important facts presented in Chapters 23-32 of John Frame’s Systematic Theology which provide the important framework to conclude about God’s Word and the roots of the knowledge. The chapters provided me with the opportunity to understand how the persons can learn more about their nature and the nature of God. Furthermore, I have realized that the knowledge of God and the knowledge of a man are interconnected, and th e most important information associated with the divine word can come with the help of the human words, written words, and natural and historic events. Bibliography Frame, John. Systematic Theology: An Introduction to Christian Belief. USA: PR Publishing, 2013. Footnotes 1 John Frame, Systematic Theology: An Introduction to Christian Belief (USA: PR Publishing, 2013), 520. 2 Frame, Systematic Theology, 536. 3 Ibid., 596.Advertising We will write a custom critical writing sample on Chapters 23-32 in John Frame’s â€Å"Systematic Theology† specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More 4 Frame, Systematic Theology, 638. 5 Ibid., 739. This critical writing on Chapters 23-32 in John Frame’s â€Å"Systematic Theology† was written and submitted by user Sophie Frye to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Voting Kiosk System Essay Example

Voting Kiosk System Essay Example Voting Kiosk System Essay Voting Kiosk System Essay A COMPUTER BASE INFORMATION AND INTERNET KIOSK SYSTEM FOR BLESSED ELENA ACADEMY Submitted by: Antonio, John Leo Castro, Angelo Grafe, Alfredo Vasquez, Bobby Submitted to: Prof. Maria Carmela Racelis Date of Submission July 14, 2011 ABSTRACT Our propose system scopes the transformation of the manual system of blessed Elena academy auditing on their students information about payments, balances, fees, school activities updates, report card every grading period into a computer based system that can help them a lot in auditing and monitoring their student records. It is just simply like an information kiosk on our university which can be found at ST gate and CS gate wherein they can access easily their information such as their grades and balances and other important details on their own. We would like to propose this Information and Internet kiosk systems to utilize similar software and hardware and Information kiosks are designed to provide access to one or more focused applications, such as browsing chools/students information or learning about schools available services. Internet kiosks, on the other hand, provide on-demand access to a wide variety of Internet sites, email, and more providing aspects of both. Whether you are working on computer information kiosks or an Internet kiosk system, we make sure that the software offers a secure, locked down environment and robust kiosk management tools. We would develop our propose system at vb. net platform and sql as the database. Propose System features: 1) Balance Inquiry 2) Account Details 3) Daily Grade Report 4) Information System for students 5) SMS Technology capable 6) Internet Access 7) School Activities Updates 8) Barcode ID for Entity Recognition Users of the system 1) Students 2) IT personnel 3) Teachers

Islame Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 5

Islame - Essay Example He was able to mobilize faithful under the Muslim religion and the contemporary objective among religious leaders, to ensure converts and spiritual nourishment of faithful, influences them to draw inspiration from Muhammad’s success as a spiritual leader. Muhammad’s ability to attract people and convert then to his opinion also had political aspects that politicians look regard. Success as a political leader is another feature that has established Muhammad as a religious and political role model. His service to the state was adorable and is what most politicians want to convey, as their potential, to the public. The role of faithful in building the society also establishes Muhammad’s leadership as a trait that religious leaders wish to emulate. Muhammad’s was also a moral personality who ensured just judgements and the role of ethics in attaining and maintaining leadership positions established the prophet as a standard for religious and political leaders to emulate. These features have influence on the Muslim community and they consider Muhammad a religious and political role

Innovative Nursing Care Delivery Models Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Innovative Nursing Care Delivery Models - Essay Example Development Team for Innovative Nursing Care Model As a matter of fact, implementation of any particular change in organization needs proper planning along with the formation of an effective team that can execute the planned activities accordingly. Contextually, the team working towards proper implementation of the model will encompass two Registered Nurses (RNs) along with two assistants. It has been observed that there are altogether 1,047 licensed beds in the organization, which will further be divided into subsections with equal numbers in each one of them applying this model. Furthermore, each of these sections will be accompanied with a set of RNs and assistants designed to implement the model efficiently (Adventist Healthcare, 2013; Health Workforce Solutions, 2008). The rationale for selecting RNs and assistants can be justified, as the model selected for implementing in the particular healthcare organization follows the â€Å"Human Caring Theory of Jean Watson†, which depicts the role of nursing practices or nurses in assuring knowledgeable and unique healthcare practices. Hence, based on this ground, Adventist Healthcare will need to prioritize and select RNs to ensure proper implementation of the chosen model. Moreover, the decision of selecting nurses should also be targeted towards providing opportunities for nurses to enhance their position and role in the healthcare organization. ... iciency within the workplace by utilizing the available manpower more effectively in delivering better quality care to the patients (Alliance for Health Reform, 2011). Additionally, the team that will implement the model will also include the top management officials to supervise the approaches of the RNs and their assistants throughout the process in Adventist Healthcare (Health Workforce Solutions, 2008). This will in turn ensure that the model operates in alignment with the set organizational goals and values to achieve maximum efficiency when implemented. Incorporation of Nurse Caring Delivery Model in Adventist Healthcare As illustrated earlier, with the assistance of the Nurse Caring Delivery Model, the management in Adventist Healthcare will be able to directly correlate with the organizational objectives to be achieved through its mission and values. The model is primarily a team-oriented nursing framework, developed entirely with the intention to ensure humanistic approach i n delivering healthcare services to the patients. It is also believed that the model ensures cost efficient services with maximum quality and safety for the patients along with continuous improvement in set of services provided. Moreover, another vital aspect of the model is that it augments work satisfaction level amid the nurses, subsequently resulting in declined turnover of the same within the organization (Adventist Healthcare, 2013; Health Workforce Solutions, 2008). In order to attain the complete benefits of the model, it will be implemented in the organization following certain planned steps. The model will be implemented in separate departments within the organization comprising of a medical unit, a telemetry unit and an intensive care unit among others. After a stipulated period

HR Strategy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

HR Strategy - Essay Example The King Faisal Medical City is just one of the elements in the plan of the Saudi government to structure world-class healthcare institutions all through the kingdom. PESTEL Analysis The King Faisal Medical City has hospitals that specialize in neurology, cardiology, rehabilitation, oncology, and ophthalmology. These hospitals have a capacity of more than 1000 beds. The city also has other social institutions like mosques, retail outlets, apartments and a hotel within the King Faisal Medical City. The main aim for concentrating such modern healthcare facilities in one region was to try and facilitate for the de-institutionalization of healthcare by availing family and patient-centred healthcare delivery options to the public. The King Faisal Medical City, which is based in Saudi Arabia’s Southern Province, is a 262,836-square-meter medical city. There are different external factors that affect the manner in which operations within it take place. Political Review Even though it is a recognized fact that the Middle East is an area that tends to be politically unstable, the nation of Saudi Arabia does not usually have many incidents of political instability because of its authoritarian government. The nation also holds approximately 25% of the world’s total supply of oil reserves. This means that not only is the nation well able to structure and plan for modern medical facilities for its population, the existence of its reserves in oil also encourages other nations to push for stability in the nation even when many of its neighbours are embroiled in conflicts. Saudi Arabia’s political stability has encouraged health-related organizations in developed nations to invest in it. Economic Competitive Review Saudi Arabia’s economy, propelled forward by its oil reserves, has been instrumental in the transformation of all of the nation’s different sectors- among which is the healthcare sector. Today, Saudi Arabia’s economy is rank ed as one of the most competitive ones in the international arena (AlFaris, Abdulgader, and Alkhenizan, 431). It pharmaceutical market has been witnessing double digit growth on an annual basis since half a decade ago (Al Juhani and Kishk, 167). This is quite an impressive and attractive platform for foreign health-based corporations which are looking to invest in a vibrant market. According to Almalki, Fitzgerald, and Clark, Saudi Arabia, along with other nations such as Russia, China, Brazil, and India, present the best markets for health based companies (Almalki, Fitzgerald, and Clark, 1481). Socio-Cultural Review The Saudi Arabian healthcare sector is mostly reliant on expatriate medical personnel to fill vacancies for medical practitioners such as nurses, doctors, and pharmacists. Being probably the most conservative culture in the world, Saudi Arabia’s nationals may not be able to take over many of these vacancies because of existing cultural prohibitions that bar them from engaging in some medical practices. The reality of foreign workers taking over the majority of jobs in Saudi Arabia’s medical sector means that the overall culture is constantly being exposed to different changes from foreigners. Technological review The majority of local Saudi firms do not have the technology required to create products such as are required to effect

The Black Sea Region History Essay

The Black Sea Region History Essay On the south-western side of the hill surmounting Lake Ohrid, travelers will find oneof the architectural masterpieces of medieval Orthodox Christianity. The church, that was dedicated to St. John the Theologian, and also known as Kaneno, whose consecration dated back to no later than.1447, is usually known as a legacy of Medieval Slavic empire (whether one calls it as Bulgarian, or, Macedonian, depends on ones fancy). Taking into consideration, however, its unique style that reminds us a highly successful combination of Byzantine and Armenian architectural technologies, it seems more appropriate to calldt.as-a monument of the cultural integrity of the wider Black Sea rim. The Black Sea world, just like the church Kaneno, had been an artifact of cultural mixture, composed of various peoples of different faiths, vernaculars, customs and practices until the first decades of the twentieth century. They had been, moreover, living in a well-integrated and well-organized socio-economic entity that was tightly bound up by common water. Artisans of famous silver ornament in Trabzon would live on the Ukrainian wheat and Bulgarian wine, while the wealthy mercantile famnyin Odessa would enjoy their afternoon tea with dried figs from Anatolia. Life of the people around the Black Sea had been directly resting on the incidents at the opposite side of the water. They had kept watchful eyes on the course of event there. However, such a vivid image of the Black Sea region seems to be quite perplexing, if not alien, for us, people living in the twenty first century. Just like the record inscribing the name of the architect of the church Kaneno had been lost, our knowled ge on the Pontus world is too fragmented to envision a unified picture. The Pontus world also addresses us a perplexing question. Is it a mere accidental coincident that the three mercantile nations, Armenians, Greeks, and Jews, who had once been major lubricants for the organic mechanism in this world, suddenly disappeared from the Black littoral at the very moment when we lost the vivid image of this region? Armenians, Greeks, and Jews were all historical nations well-known by their conspicuous activities in commerce and financing. All of them had their residential centers around the Black Sea before the twentieth century. Armenians had been widely dwelling in the southern Caucasus and the eastern Anatolia, and displayed their strong presence in every commercial centre around the Sea. Greeks had densely populated in the Black Sea littoral as well, and often constituted plurality in major trade entrepots like Istanbul, Trabzon, Odessa, Varna, Constanta and Krasnodar. Until the last decades of the nineteenth century, majority of the world Jewry had lived in the Russian Black provinces and their hinterlands. However, it is an arduous work for us to trace out them on the contemporary ethnic map of the region. It seems as if they had taken away our memory of the region with them when they retreated to the backstage of history of the Black Sea. What kind of process of modern conceptualization prevents us from shaping integrated scenery of the Black Sea region in our mind? The easiest answer might be the one that seeks the root in the nationalization of history. By the word Cemomorski rajon, an ordinary Bulgarian will think of an area the word Karadeniz bolgesi. For both of them, cities like Kisinev, Akkerman, or Batumi are not the part of their Black Sea region, but some unknown foreign cities. The nation-state, as a model for historical thought, has obscured many elements. The area studies, self-styled inter-disciplinary science, seem to have overcome the narrowing views of the national history, as they claim to have adopted an approach that makes it possible to analyze more than one nation-state at the same time. However, they seem, to be suffering from the same type of shortcomings. As for the Black Sea studies, there are too many candidates for the possible frame work, Slavic Studies, Balkan Studies, Caucasus Studies, Russian (and Soviet) .Studies (or its new version Eurasian Studies), Turkish and Islamic Studies, or Mediterranean Studies, but none is enough to cover all aspects of the Black Sea region. In order to comprehend the Black Sea region, it might be necessary to mobilize several area studies, but at the same time, it would mean saturation of methodologies. Such inherent weakness of the area studies seems, partly; to come from their methodological ancestors. Disciplines like Slavic Studies or Russian and Eurasian Studies could not completel y cut off themselves with the tradition of Slavic philology. Both Turkish studies and Iranian Studies are, by and large, nd more than a dummy branch of the Orientalism (as its original meaning 6f the word). Area studies are still accompanying preconceptions that had been inherent to their methodological forefathers. Apart from methodological questions, it seems relevant to interrogate a primordial question: where, at all, is the destination of intellectual endeavors of the area studies, or more simply, for what purpose are they serving? Recent developments may suggest us a part of the answer. There took place a* drastic reshaping of the area studies after 1989. East European studies have already divided into Central European Studies and Balkan Studies. Former Soviet Studies have also transformed themselves into Eurasian Studies. As the change is apparently linked to the shift of geopolitical situation, the answer must be lying somewhere beyond the natural evolution of methodological thinking, or survival strategies of individual researchers. The recent change indeed bears marked similarities to the realignments of traditional disciplines and eventual crystallization into area studies after the World War II. Both of the cognitive processes went through strong impact of the hegemonic shifts that h ad reshaped geopolitical map of the globe. The shift inevitably brought the regions drastic changes. From economic point of view, each region had to modify its trade regulations, financial mechanism, monetary policy, and working practices to be fit into the new situation, thus, it precipitated changes in the structure, and even mode of production. Political systems were also required to accommodate themselves to the new relations. As these changes caused considerable stress to the society, social tissue had to undergo significant metamorphosis. The area studies analyze various aspects of these changes, and provide, as a whole, a systematic knowledge to cope with the new reality. Therefore, they are working, irrespective of the intension of individual researcher, for special concern of particular forces that have common interest in a certain form of regional division of labor. Indeed area studies seem to pay less attention to the phenomena that tend to slip out of the scope of their main concerns, especially those overlapping several areas. By reassessing historical narratives concerning three nations, this paper tries to demonstrate the significance of those phenomena that have been made invisible by the frame of cognizance which was formulated in the course of modernity. The Ottoman Conquest and the Black Sea regional economy The Black Sea and surrounding lands had been playing significant roles as a hinge that bound together the Mediterranean, Central Asian Steppe, and Indian-Middle East economies since antiquity. The economic wealth of the region was an important factor in the political and economic stability of the Macedonian, Roman, and. Byzantine Empires in the Classical and Medieval times. The Black Sea also formed one of the major arteries joining the Islamic world and north-eastern Europe, and served as an important commercial rout between the ninth to early thirteenth century. Within itself, the Black Sea region, together with the Aegean, had formed a closely knit economic entity, as the northern Black Sea region produced and exported grain, meat, fish, and other animal products, while the southern Black Sea and the Aegean exported wine, olive oil, dried fruit, and luxury goods in exchange [Kortepeter, 1966: 86; Peacock, 2007:66-67]. By the time the Byzantine control of the region collapsed at the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Black Sea trade had largely fallen into the hand of the Venetian and Genoese merchants. At first Venetians seemed to have taken upper-hand, but Genoa succeeded in gaining a t near monopoly over the Black Sea commerce after 1261. By the time, Genoa had been building up a network of its colonies covering all lands surrounding the Black Sea. The Genoese BlackSea Empire was, however, relatively short-lived, as there emerged a formidable power in the western corner of Anatolia at the end of the thirteenth century, and it was to bring the Italian hegemony in the Black Sea finally to an end in the course of fifteenth century. Starting as a small warriors state, the Ottomans followed a gradual, but steady course of territorial expansion during the first half of the fourteenth century. They were successful in intruding into the Balkans after crossing the Dardanelles in 1346. By the end of the century, the Ottoman sultans had established themselves firmly on the vast landmass lying at the both sides of the Straits. Although the Ottorrfans at first did not show much interest in controlling the Black Sea commerce, a clear Ottoman policy regarding the Black Sea began to emerge during the reign of the Mehmed II (1451-1481) [Kortepeter, 1966: 88]. Upon assuming the throne the throne, Sultan the Conqueror embarked on a series of campaign to destroy the Latin colonial empires in the eastern Mediterranean, as a part of his project to reassemble the former Byzantine territories. Especially after the takeover (ri AXrooTj) of the Byzantine capital in 1453, Mehmed II felt it necessary to establish a complete control over the resources of the Black Sea region for the reconstruction and development of his new capital. In 1459, the Ottomans first deprived the Genoese of Amasra, the most important port on the Anatolian Black Sea coast, as it formed, together with Caffa, the shortest route in the north-south communication in the sea. After the fall of Amasra, the Genoese colonies were confined to the north western corner of the Black Sea. The seizure of the main Genoese colony of Caffa took place in 1475. Caffa had long been the chief trade and manufacturing centre for the Genoese in the Black Sea. After the fall of Caffa, the Genoese gri p on the Black Sea considerably weakened and the Ottomans captured all of the Italian colonies in the Crimean and the Caucasus within a decade. The only remaining trade centers of significance were two Moldavian port cities, Kilia and Akkerman. Both of them fell to the Ottoman hand in 1484. In this way, by the beginning of the sixteenth century the Ottomans had turned the Black Sear into an Ottoman lake [Inalcik Quataert, 1994: 271-3; Kortepeter, 1966: 92-3]. i The Ottoman conquest brought about a new socio-economic system into the Black Sea region. Now, majority the coastal lands of the Sea were directly connected to the imperial capital, Istanbul, and a new regional division of labor was introduced in order to maintain this extraordinarily large city. Moreover, the Ottoman Empire employed a kind of command economy whose main purpose was to maintain its military predominance. Hence, the government put strong control over the transportation of manufactured goods and raw materials produced within its domain, imposing de facto ban on the export, while, on the other hand, it showed lavish attitude to the imported commodities that its lands could not yield. Under this regime, many parts of the empire constituted an autarkic economic entity. Hence, it was natural that the Black Sea region, along with other part of the Empire, constituted an integrated, but closed to outside, system. Non-Muslim Merchants as coordinating elements One of the most important changes that took place after the Ottoman conquest of the Black Sea region was the termination of the Italian predominance in favor of the native Ottoman subjects. Owing to the poor development of Muslim mercantile class at the beginning of the Ottoman-conquest in this region, it was the non-Muslims that took initiative in forming the: wider regional network. Already during the Italian rule of the Black Sea, the Greeks and other indigenous people, together with Jews and Armenians, played the role of middlemen and widely dwelled in the Genoese trade centers. Many of them were employed as apprentices in the Latin enterprises, and accumulated the knowledge of the business practices in the Levant trade. Even before the fall of Caffa, the Italians were losing their control of the oriental trade in the northern countries, and were being replaced by Ottoman subjects, mostly Armenian Christians, Greek Orthodox Christians and Jews. The Ottoman government found in them reliable traders and contractors as middlemen within the empire. Thus, non-Muslim merchants took advantage of the new opportunity of the closure of the Black Sea to the foreigners in the sixteenth century, and they made use of their privileged position to traverse the Ottoman domain, in order to organize trading networks across southern and western European cities [Kortepeter, 1966: 101; inalcik Quataert, 1994: 272, 209]. The first element that gained most from this new order seemed to be Greeks. The Greek merchants of this period widely operated in Ottoman inter-regional trade. They were in control of a significant portion of the commerce of the eastern half of the Balkan Peninsula. Greeks were particularly active in the Ottoman capital, as traders and sea captains, carrying grain from the Balkan coastal regions adjacent to the Black Sea. The Greek merchants, allegedly descendants of the Byzantine aristocracy, widely engaged in tax farming, large-scale trade and shipping both in international and domestic. However, after the execution of tfye great tycoon in the Greek community of Istanbul, Michael Cantakuzino  §aitanoglu in 1578, the predominant position of the Greek merchants in the imperial economy began to shake [Stoianovich, 1960: 241; Inalcik Quataert, 1994:517]. Instead of Greeks, Jewish bankers and tax-farmers surfaced as predominant elements in Ottoman finance and long-distance trade during the second half of the sixteenth century. The expulsion of the Marrano Jews from the Catholic countries especially contributed to the Jewish prosperity in the Ottoman economy. The Marrano Jews seemed to introduce into the Ottoman Empire the techniques of European capitalism, banking and the mercantilist concept of state economy, and played decisive role in the finances [inalcik Quataert, 1994: 212]. Jews also played a considerable role in the development of the Danube basin. As tax farmers, Jews were managing many Danubian ports and customhouses [Levi, 1982: 26-27]. But the Jewish domination of the Ottoman economy could not last long. Already in the 1650s, Jewish merchants had been less active in Ottoman territory than during the second half of the sixteenth century. The Jews were losing the functions that they had acquired in the sixteenth century, in cluding the farming of custom duties, minting, and the positions of money exchanger for the ottoman notables. Westward Jewish migration that occurred synchronously with the shift of the global economy to the trans-Atlantic trade was a part of reason. Another reason is the renewed expansion of activities of Greek merchants that forced many Jewish merchants out of Balkan trade [Panzac, 1992: 203; inalcik Quataert, 1994: 519]. The presence of the Armenian merchants in the Black Sea region had been strongly felt long before the Ottoman conquest. Armenians had settled in Crimea as early as the eleventh century [Panossian, 2006: 82]. They were important trade partners for the Nogays in the North Caucasus, and engaged widely in the transaction of slaves and large quantities of butter and furs [Kortepeter, 1966: 104]. They were predominant in the Moldavian [Lwow-Akkerman) route of trade during the fourteenth century, and obtained the trade privilege for all Ruthenia in 1402. The leader of the caravan on this route was always an Armenian throughout the fifteenth century. Until that time, Armenians had widely settled in the commercial centers in Crimea and Rumania. According to an Ottoman survey in 1520, there were 2,783 households in Caffa, out of which about 60% was Christian, mostly Armenian [inalcik Quataert, 1994: 280, 286]. The Ottoman conquest of the Black Sea region brought about more favorable conditions for the Armenian merchants. In the Ottoman Empire, Armenians, like Greeks, constituted a Christian community that was accorded with religious and judicial autonomies. Their religion also gave them easier access to the lands of Christian Europe. They had already firmly established themselves in southern Poland and Transylvania, and controlled local commerce. Making use of the Ottoman trade policy as the linchpin, the Armenian traders succeeded in building up their commercial network, extending as far as Venice and Central Europe. The Armenians could also make use of the rivalry between Ottomans and Russians in order to establish their new trade route. Several Armenian merchants played conspicuous role in the court of Ivan the Terrible, and further expanded their commercial activities as far as the northern end of the Grand Duchy of Moscow [Goffman, 2002: 15; Braudel, 1992: 155]. The Armenian merchants had another advantage, as they were going to expand their activities further in the east. The Armenian middlemen settled in Persia found in silk an eminently marketablecommodity. In the seventeenth century, the Ottoman Armenian merchants distinguished themselves by their association with an international trade network basing around New Julfa, a suburban city of Isfahan. Merchants from this city took an active role in the Iranian silk trade which spanned the globe from Narva, Sweden to Shanghais, China. In this way, the Armenian merchants had been successful in establishing their trading network stretching from China to Western Europe by the eighteenth century [McCabe, 2001]. In the course of their expansion, the commercial activities of three non-Muslim merchant communities widely transcended the Ottoman borders. It was, by no means, the loss of weight of the Ottoman commerce for them by the eighteenth century. The commerce on Ottoman territory continued to be crucial for the maintenance of these networks, as the goods they traded were often of Ottoman manufacture or had transited through the Ottoman state. The trade activities of Armenians, just like those of Greeks and Jews, remained intrinsic to the economic system of the Ottoman Empire, and the Ottoman wealth was central to their prosperity [Inalcik Quataert, 1994: 517-8]. As we have, hitherto, surveyed the significance of the non-Muslims merchants in the Ottoman Black Sea trade, it is necessary to emphasize that we should not downplay the importance of the Muslim merchants. Although they were late comers in this region, already in the fifteenth century, Muslim merchants had outnumbered the others at least in the southern section of the south-north trade over the routes of pursa-Istanbul-Caffa or Akkerman by sea and overland by Edime-Kilia-Akkerman [Inalcik Quataert, 1994: 278]. It seems probable that the role of the Muslim merchants constantly gained importance in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth century, and eventually took over the non-Muslims, especially in the intra-regional trade. The position of the Muslim merchants in the intra-Ottoman trade was much stronger than the non-Muslims during the eighteenth century. The minorities almost always held only a secondary position in the domestic maritime trade. According to an Ottoman document of 1782 or a list of cereal ships to Istanbul provide us an interesting data that out of the total 56 names of merchants, 55 were Turks or other Muslims, only one was Greek or Albanian, and even he was associated with a Turk. The document also shows us that out of 158 ships captains, 136 (86%) were Turks or other Muslims, and 22 (14%) were Greeks or Albanians. Therefore, the Muslim merchants had secured almost total control over the supply of wheat to Istanbul by the Black Sea route [Panzac, 1992: 195, 203]. Socio-economic features of the non-Muslim merchant communities From historical point of view, merchants, especially those who engaged in cross-cultural- trade, possessed, more often than not, ambivalent characters. As frequenters in two or more distinct societies, they had to master several important knowledge and skills that were usually unfamiliar to those who lived inside a particular culture. So, they brought with them, not only a variety of foreign goods and wares, but new technologies and information. These cultural goods often catalyzed a transformation of the host society. In the case of the Ottoman non-Muslim merchants, they became major actors in a technological and cultural interplay between the Ottoman Empire and the rest of Europe. It wa,s their trading network that helped produce a uniform commercial method throughout ti?e Mediterranean and European worlds before the  ¦ nineteenth century [Goffman, 2002: 16]. On the other hand, every society that based principally on the production of use values would inherently harbor antagonism toward the merchant. Such hostilities were often boosted by the stresses that arouse in the course of cultural transformation. Therefore, the position of the cross-cultural merchants was constantly under the threat of eventual outburst of hatred against them. In order to avoid, or at least to alleviate, the tension with the host society, the merchant community had to be adaptive. In the case of the non-Muslim merchants in the Ottoman Empire, we can notice strong tendencies of compliance to the authority. Ottoman Jews and Greeks played major role in the finances during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and even later. They were the major players in the tax-farming, the most important means of capital formation at that time, and their accumulated wealth became indispensable for the state finances and the palace. In return for their service, the Ottoman government conferred them various privileges. Several Jews were appointed the court physicians and imperial treasurers. Greeks were employed as dragomans (official interpreter) and, later, rulers of Moldavia and Wallachia [Inalcik Quataert, 1994: 209], The Ottoman Armenians also played significant role in the palace. The upper strata of their community, often called as amiras, made their presence strongly felt in government as bankers or money lenders. In the tax farming, they provided the capital as sarrafs (bankers), and sold the commodities collected in kind as merchants. After the eighteenth century, they became instrumental in keeping the fragile Ottoman financial system functioning. It is symbolized by the fact that the prominent Dtizian family monopolized the position of superintendent of the state mint office from 1757 until 1880 [Panzac, 1992: 203; Panossian, 2006: 85]. Probably, the most important in this aspect was the role played by their religious authorities. The Ottoman government traditionally granted wide range of religious and judicial autonomies to its Christian and Jewish subjects, calling each of these congregations as millet. The Greek, Jewish, and Armenian mercantile class in Istanbul practically monopolized the posts of the highest priests of their millets, and did their utmost in preserving the imperial order, by securing the loyalty to the sultan among their coreligionists. Thanks to these endeavors, Jews and Armenians were often praised by the authority as millet sadakat, or loyal subjects. In the case of Greek Orthodox, they failed to win this title because of the several unruly elements like semi-nomadic mountaineers or provincial peasants with independent spirits, the upper strata of their community, however, generally earned high esteem among the Muslim authorities. In spite of such functions, non-Muslim merchants did not dare to go over a certain limit of the host societies, because over adaptation to the host society was suicidal to their existence. It would increase the tension with the other society where they made business at the same time. For example, the conversion to Islam might promise better position in the Ottoman society, but it would make very difficult, if not impossible, to earn by the international trade. Thus, probably the best strategy for the merchants was to blur the demarcation line with the host society by making their existence more and more vague and ambiguous. By doing so, they could expect more secure conditionsfor their survival. It was, therefore, no coincidence that the three non-Muslim merchant communities in the Ottoman Empire possessed marked characteristic of special multilingual!sm. As the other Jews in the Western Europe, Jews in the Ottoman Empire adopted the languages of the people among whom they lived. They could, usually quite fluently, communicate in Turkish and other majority languages, but they nevert fully assimilated linguistically to the host societies. The Romaniotes, who had long lived among the Greeks, adopted vernacular Greek as their communal language,.while the, Ashkenazi, East European Jews continued > to speak Yiddish in their home. The most influential element of the Ottoman Jews, the Sephardi, preserved medieval Spanish, where their ancestors had been living until the Catholic take-over. Moreover, all of these Jewish vernaculars contained significant portion of Hebraic expression. Thus, the dialect expresses the two contradictory tendencies: the integration to the surrounding soci ety and the isolation. The Ottoman Armenians shared the same characteristic. While they continued to use ancient Armenian as their spiritual symbol especially in their place of worship, almost all of them were either bilingual or, in some cases, monolingual speakers of Turkish. Turcophone among the Armenians was so strong that Vartan Pasa, an Armenian writer in the nineteenth century, in the preface to his History of Napoleon Bonaparte, justifies the fact that he had written this work in Turkish with the argument that the Armenians who knew ancient language (krapar) were very few and that the new literary language based on the vernacular was still not sufficiently developed thus, that the Turkish language was the best tool to the majority [Strauss, 2003:41, 55]. The case of Greeks was much more complicated, but it might show rather vividly the advantages of linguistic ambiguity for the prosperity of the mercantile community. During the Ottoman period, the word Greeks seldom denoted the linguistic community. Many Greeks in the Anatolian plateau spoke Turkish dialect, Karamanh, while the Greeks in Syria and Egypt used Arabic as their ordinary means of communication. The Greeks in the Balkans were more perplexing. There were many Greeks who spoke Bulgarian, Vlacho-Arouman, Albanian, and Turkish. The linguistic variety derived from the context that the communal identity of the Ottoman Greeks usually conflated with the Rum millet identity. Within the Ottoman Empire, the Greek Orthodox Christians, especially those who composed the urban strata, were collectively referred to Romans, members of the Rum millet, regardless of their ethnic origins. Such tendencies were strongly felt especially among the mercantile class. The notion of the Greek Orthodox Christian was indeed a social category. In many parts of the Balkans, contemporary denomination of nations, like Serbs and Bulgarians, denoted the peasants in particular locations. When Slavs moved into the urban space or became members of the middle class, they generally shifted their identity to Greek. The local Christian higher strata were Grecophone in Serbia. In the Bulgarian lands, the domination of cultural life by the ecumenical patriarchate led to the promotion of Grecophone culture in liturgy, archives, and correspondence [Roudometof, 1998:13-14]. The tendency became more conspicuous after 1750, when the prosperity of the Greek Orthodox merchants was reaching its peak. Owing to the predominance in trade, Greek became the primary language of commerce in the eastern Mediterranean, and Orthodox Christian merchants, regardless of their ethnic origins, generally spoke Greek and often assumed Greek names. The middle class Orthodox Christians were largely acculturated into the Greeks or under heavy Grecophone influences [Stoianovich, 1960: 291]. The ambiguity or ambivalency of the groups seems to have been felt stronger at such elements like new comers, lower members, and/or provincial elites, than at the centre of the community. For example, during the first half of the nineteenth century, the biiingualism, especially with the dialect spoken by the majority member of the surroundings, was more conspicuous among newly immigrated members from local villages than those who had lived in urban space for generations. It reflected in their identities that veteran urban dwellers were adamant in their Greek consciousness in contrast to the new comers with mixed identity with Bulgarian element [Markova, 1976: 43-54]. The same was true for the Greek ecclesiastic circle, where lower clergy tended to remain within the boundary of Metropolitan diocese, while the higher hierarchies rotated several dioceses of different Patriarchates. As a result, high dignities in the Church possessed deep-seated belief in the Hellenic nature of the Ortho doxy; ion the other hand, parish priests widely shared non-Hellenic culture with their parishioners. To summarize our discussion hitherto, the non-Muslim merchants in the Black Sea region bore the following attributes as groups. They were religious congregation as well as occupational category. As for the latter, they were, more often than not, engaged in external trade, or in other words, were agencies tonnecting different cultural, socio-economic entities. The members of these groups were usually quite proficient in special occupational expertise. They knew well specific business and social practices of various places, and they were multilingual for the most of part. They were generally more adaptive to the host society, and, at least on the surface, very compliant to the existing authority. The demarcation line between them and the other groups was vague, and often intentionally blurred. Their ambiguity or ambivalency was more intense, more strongly felt at peripheral or lower strata than at the core. Perhaps, this was the most important attribute that made possible the non-Musli m merchants to maintain their social and economic function, while preserving their identities, without provoking serious conflict with the host societies. The above mentioned characteristics of the Ottoman non-Muslim merchants might seem to fit well into a wider category of Diaspora merchants. But, at the same time, there arises an uncomfortable feeling to call those merchants who dwelled in their homeland as Diaspora, because, except for the Jews, many Greek Orthodox and Armenian merchants lived in the territory of their former Kingdoms or Empire. Moreover, there were many non-Mercantile members within the Greek Orthodox and Armenian communities in the Ottoman Empire (the Jews were exception in this case as well). It does not seem reasonable to separate the merchant groups from the peasant mass when we discuss them as ethno-religious communities. Taking into these inconveniences into consideration, it seems more pertinent to apply the old notion of people-class,1 proposed by Abram Leon, for the case study of the Ottoman non-Muslim merchants. In his work that examined the historical development of the Jewish communities in Europe, Leon 1 turned

Essay --

STATEMENT OF PURPOSE During my undergraduate studies in the department of Instrumentation and Control Engineering at the PSG College of Technology, Coimbatore, India, I had a strong inclination towards courses like Probability & Statistics and Object-Oriented Programming that were closely related to applied mathematics and software programming. My final year project at Hindustan Aeronautics Limited, Bangalore furthered my interest in these subjects. The project involved usage of structured programming and mathematical modelling techniques to estimate the accurate chemical composition for Electroless nickel plating process of aircraft engines. Even prior to the undergraduate course, I had an affinity for mathematics and computational science. I had secured 97% in mathematics and 95% in computer science at my high school examinations. I was a chess player at school and college, this was crucial in shaping my analytical thinking and problem solving skills. My first job at Mu-Sigma Business Solutions, Bangalore, a leading data science and decision analytics firm, served as the ideal platform to start exploring the world of analytics. The key responsibility as a Business Analyst in the company was to use applied mathematics, statistical techniques and software packages such as Statistical Analytics Software (SAS), Structured Query Language (SQL) and the R programming language in order to provide data-driven business solutions to the client by using. My first project at Mu-Sigma involved employing ‘predictive analytics’ to determine the projected sales of the signature drug of a ‘Fortune-500’ pharmaceutical company. The results of this project were used by the client in making important decisions on their inventory management process. ... ...s and processes that would permit educational institutes to improve student performances, reduce drop-out rates and increase enrolment at higher levels. On the other hand, I would like my work to equip students with the capacity to make informed decisions about their educational and vocational prospects. I firmly believe that the strong course curriculum at the University of San Francisco, its luminous faculty, its strategic geographical location and, most importantly, its unique and impactful practical course ‘Analytics Practicum’ that is founded on live client projects will empower me in pursuing my goals. I am fully aware of the challenges involved in a demanding course as this and I strongly trust that my professional experience, technical expertise and personal commitment will allow me to make significant contributions to the research at your university

Education Philosophy Outline

Philosophy of Education Outline I. Introduction a. Ever since I was in elementary school, I wanted to become a teacher. I have had some outstanding teachers in my lifetime and I would love to carry on the legacy. I want to inspire the future generation to make the world a better place. b. Every teacher has their own personal views on teaching, learning, goals, and professional development. c. Teaching is not just a job. Teachers mold their students’ futures every day. I believe it is highly important that each teacher strives to make a difference in each student’s life.II. Teaching d. Tools are a necessary part of learning. I plan to use a variety of tools, including SmartBoard technology, books, videos, props, etc. I believe students learn the best by participating in hands-on activities as opposed to only lectures. e. I believe that a teacher should play many roles, not just one. This includes being the motivator, facilitator, challenger, and supporter. f. The School of Thought I agree with is Democratic. This stresses the process of learning, not just the product. It also promotes outside-the-box thinking. g.My preferred educational philosophy is progressivism. I favor an open classroom where students often work together and learn to deal with social problems as well as material from the curriculum. III. Learning h. Learning is something we do every minute of every day. When someone learns, they are broadening their horizons and gaining new experiences. i. Learning is an adventure and a voyage. j. In my classroom, I plan to incorporate a variety of strategies. This includes discussion, but will also include hands-on activities, group work, and presentations. IV. Teaching Goals k.To incorporate out-of-the-box thinking and new ideas. l. To make sure every student understands the subject matter. m. To be open to change and spontaneity. V. Personal or Professional Development n. To make each student truly feel that they are a vital part of the clas sroom, and that they have the power to make a difference. o. To be just as passionate about my work and the subjects studied as I expect my students to be. VI. Conclusion p. When I become a teacher, I hope to change the lives of each and every student. q. Making a difference is inspiring our future generation to change the world.

Best Guess on the Year ‘Romeo and Juliet’ Was Written

Best Guess on the Year ‘Romeo and Juliet’ Was Written Although there is no record of when Shakespeare actually wrote Romeo and Juliet, it was first performed in 1594 or 1595. It is likely that Shakespeare wrote the play shortly before its premiere performance. But while  Romeo and Juliet  is one of Shakespeares most famous plays, the storyline is not entirely his own. So, who wrote the original Romeo and Juliet and when?   Italian Origins The origins of Romeo and Juliet are convoluted, but many people trace it back to an old Italian tale based on the lives of two lovers who tragically died for each other in Verona, Italy in 1303. Some say the lovers, although not from the Capulet and Montague families, were real people.   While this may as well be true, there is no clear record of such a tragedy occurring in Verona in 1303. Tracing it back, the year seems to be proposed by the City of Verona Tourist Site, most likely in order to boost touristic appeal.   Capulet and Montague Families The Capulet and Montague families were most likely based on the Cappelletti and Montecchi families, which did exist in Italy during the 14th century. While the term family is used, Cappelletti and Montecchi were not the names of private families but rather local political bands. In modern terms, perhaps the word clan or faction is more accurate. The Montecchi was a merchant family that competed with other families for power and influence in Verona. But there is no record of a rivalry between them and the Cappelletti. Actually, the Cappelletti family was based in Cremona. Early Text Versions of Romeo and Juliet In 1476, the Italian poet, Masuccio Salernitano, wrote a story titled Mariotto e Gianozza. The story takes place in Siena and centers around two lovers who are secretly married against the wishes of their families and end up dying for each other due to a tragic miscommunication. In 1530, Luigi da Porta published Giulietta e Romeo,  which was based on Salernitanos story. Every aspect of the plot is the same. The only differences are that Porta changed the names of the lovers and the setting location, Verona rather than Siena. Also, Porta added the ball scene in the beginning, where Giulietta and Romeo meet and has Giuletta  commit suicide by stabbing herself with a dagger rather than wasting away like in Salernitanos version. English Translations Portas Italian story was translated in 1562 by Arthur Brooke, who published the English version under the title The Tragical History of Romeus and Juliet. William Painter retold the story in prose in his 1567 publication, Palace of Pleasure. It is most likely that William Shakespeare read these English versions of the story and was thus inspired to pen Romeo and Juliet.

Mark Twains Colloquial Prose Style

Mark Twain's Colloquial Prose Style Described by biographer Mark Krupnick as the single most important cultural critic in [the 20th] century among American men of letters, Lionel Trilling is best known for his first collection of essays, The Liberal Imagination (1950). In this excerpt from his essay on Huckleberry Finn, Trilling discusses the robust purity of Mark Twains prose style and its influence on almost every contemporary American writer. Mark Twains Colloquial Prose Style from The Liberal Imagination, by Lionel Trilling In form and style Huckleberry Finn is an almost perfect work. . . . The form of the book is based on the simplest of all novel-forms, the so-called picaresque novel, or novel of the road, which strings its incidents on the line of the hero’s travels. But, as Pascal says, rivers are roads that move, and the movement of the road in its own mysterious life transmutes the primitive simplicity of the form: the road itself is the greatest character in this novel of the road, and the hero’s departures from the river and his returns to it compose a subtle and significant pattern. The linear simplicity of the picaresque novel is further modified by the story’s having a clear dramatic organization: it has a beginning, a middle, and an end, and a mounting suspense of interest. As for the style of the book, it is not less than definitive in American literature. The prose of Huckleberry Finn established for written prose the virtues of American colloquial speech. This has nothing to do with pronunciation or grammar. It has something to do with ease and freedom in the use of language. Most of all it has to do with the structure of the sentence, which is simple, direct, and fluent, maintaining the rhythm of the word-groups of speech and the intonations of the speaking voice. In the matter of language, American literature had a special problem. The young nation was inclined to think that the mark of the truly literary product was a grandiosity and elegance not to be found in the common speech. It therefore encouraged a greater breach between its vernacular and its literary language than, say, English literature of the same period ever allowed. This accounts for the hollow ring one now and then hears even in the work of our best writers in the first half of the last century. English writers of equal stature would never have made the lapses into rhetorical excess that are common in Cooper and Poe and that are to be found even in Melville and Hawthorne. Yet at the same time that the language of ambitious literature was high and thus always in danger of falseness, the American reader was keenly interested in the actualities of daily speech. No literature, indeed, was ever so taken up with matters of speech as ours was. Dialect, which attracted even our serious writers, was the accepted common ground of our popular humorous writing. Nothing in social life seemed so remarkable as the different forms which speech could takethe brogue of the immigrant Irish or the mispronunciation of the German, the affectation of the English, the reputed precision of the Bostonian, the legendary twang of the Yankee farmer, and the drawl of the Pike County man. Mark Twain, of course, was in the tradition of humor that exploited this interest, and no one could play with it nearly so well. Although today the carefully spelled-out dialects of nineteenth-century American humor are likely to seem dull enough, the subtle variations of speech in Huckleberry Fin n, of which Mark Twain was justly proud, are still part of the liveliness and flavor of the book. Out of his knowledge of the actual speech of America Mark Twain forged a classic prose. The adjective may seem a strange one, yet it is apt. Forget the misspellings and the faults of grammar, and the prose will be seen to move with the greatest simplicity, directness, lucidity, and grace. These qualities are by no means accidental. Mark Twain, who read widely, was passionately interested in the problems of style; the mark of the strictest literary sensibility is everywhere to be found in the prose of Huckleberry Finn. It is this prose that Ernest Hemingway had chiefly in mind when he said that all modern American literature comes from one book by Mark Twain called Huckleberry Finn. Hemingways own prose stems from it directly and consciously; so does the prose of the two modern writers who most influenced Hemingways early style, Gertrude Stein and Sherwood Anderson (although neither of them could maintain the robust purity of their model); so, too, does the best of William Faulkners prose, which, like Mark Twains own, reinforces the colloquial tradition with the literary tradition. Indeed, it may be said that almost every contemporary American writer who deals conscientiously with the problems and possibility of prose must feel, directly or indirectly, the influence of Mark Twain. He is the master of the style that escapes the fixity of the printed page, that sounds in our ears with the immediacy of the heard voice, the very voice of unpretentious truth. See also: Mark Twain on Words and Wordiness, Grammar and Composition Lionel Trillings essay Huckleberry Finn appears in The Liberal Imagination, published by Viking Press in 1950 and currently available in a paperback edition published by New York Review of Books Classics (2008).

Reflection ( Global Media ) Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Reflection ( Global Media ) - Assignment Example Old types of media were not as effective as new media. The increasingly powerful role of social media and the internet were proved to influence everything around. It did not take long to spread information all over the world. As a result, some people took advantage of new media and shared biased information with others in order to benefit from it. One more trend is media was greatly explained by the You Tube assignment. The site which was used to post short videos became a huge educational database. I was impressed by the fact that full documentaries and mane educational tutorials could be found easily. You Tube videos could not substitute tutor in the classroom; at the same time, they provided great support and additional sources for information for all people who were interested in the task. Media became more realistic. Online communication can lead to real consequences and suffering. Cyber bullying cases showed to what extent life online can become real for some people. Unfortunately, there current legislation cannot stop the cases of cyber bullying which are harmful for many people and especially teenagers. People need to remember that their online activities can hurt; even though online personalities are different from people who create them, they still remain personalities who deserve understanding and respect. The content of the course was very motivating for every student. Activism assignment stimulated creative thinking in all participants. Moreover, it was a nice opportunity to apply cultural diversity knowledge practically. Communication via internet was quick and effective. It was amazing to understand that people from all around the world could communicate at their usual pace without any delays related to bad network connection or other technical issues. Overall, this course can become a solid knowledge platform

TRADE LIBERALIZATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES Essay

TRADE LIBERALIZATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES - Essay Example As part of its conclusion, the paper also provided some recommendations in relation to the overall improvement of some problems identified in the conduct of the research. Introduction The African continent has been divided into three regions to be able to account for the differences in the level of development. The disaggregation is a manifestation of the level of development – North Africa, the South African Customs Union and the ‘Rest of Africa’. The South African Custom Union is composed of South Africa, Lesotho, Swaziland, Namibia and Botswana. Both North and South Africa are middle-income countries while most countries in the category of Rest of Africa are low-income countries1. North Africa is consists of seven countries namely: Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia and Western Sahara. As of today, the region has an estimated population of more than 208 million2. Among the African countries, North Africa has the biggest non-black population that com prise the more than half of the population at 160 million3. Largely, North Africa is an Arab region with the most number of Arab populations in the world. This can be traced from the historical, cultural and religious influence of the Middle East. North African countries have diverse cultural and historical backgrounds that affect the variance of their political, economic and cultural policies. Apart from being collectively referred to as part of the same region, sharing of a common adherence Islamic cultural identity, and colonial history, it is now difficult to find commonality among the countries of North Africa4. As the African continent is known for its enormous wealth of natural resources, with one of the world’s largest countries with vast deposits of diamonds, gold chrome, uranium, copper, iron, cobalt and many other minerals, the same is true with the North African region. It is endowed with richness of natural resources especially in terms of agriculture and mineral s. Libya and Algeria are also known to have large amounts of petroleum5. North Africa is a region that can rouse development internally with all of its’ natural and human resources. The full use and maximization of its natural resources alone can help this region into full economic development. The North African region is not a rookie when it comes to globalization. It basically relies on oil, natural gas, phosphates and agricultural products for exports. Tradable industrial output, non traded goods and services play a not-so significant role in North African’s economy in terms of manufacturing and most of the existing firms and entrepreneur are mainly family-owned and out of date if compared to other emerging markets in the global industry6. The North African region had also been a region of dispute. Just recently, three of its countries have suffered from political chaos, namely Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. The growing discontent of the people has greatly affected the r uling power in these countries and the government’s retaliation has further destabilized their respective governments. Protests come in different forms, yet, the peoples’ clamour is the same: protests against political suppression and significant economic reforms. It has been apparent from the series of